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England and Wales High Court (Chancery Division) Decisions |
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You are here: BAILII >> Databases >> England and Wales High Court (Chancery Division) Decisions >> The Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation v Barclays Bank Plc & Ors [2020] EWHC 2001 (Ch) (27 July 2020) URL: http://www.bailii.org/ew/cases/EWHC/Ch/2020/2001.html Cite as: [2020] EWHC 2001 (Ch) |
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BUSINESS AND PROPERTY COURTS OF ENGLAND AND WALES
FINANCIAL LIST (ChD)
Fetter Lane London, EC4A 1NL |
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B e f o r e :
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THE FEDERAL DEPOSIT INSURANCE CORPORATION (as receiver for Amcore Bank NA and others) |
Claimant |
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- and – |
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(1) BARCLAYS BANK PLC (2) BANK OF SCOTLAND PLC (3) BBA TRENT LIMITED (4) BBA ENTERPRISES LIMITED (5) COÖPERATIEVE RABOBANK UA (6) DEUTSCHE BANK AG (7) LLOYDS BANKING GROUP PLC (8) LLOYDS BANK PLC (9) THE ROYAL BANK OF SCOTLAND PLC (10) THE ROYAL BANK OF SCOTLAND GROUP PLC (11) UBS AG |
Defendants |
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Marie Demetriou QC, Alex Barden, Richard Blakeley and Richard Eschwege
(instructed by Quinn Emanuel Urquhart & Sullivan LLP) for the Claimant
Hearing dates: 14-16 November 2018
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Crown Copyright ©
COVID-19: This judgment was handed down remotely by circulation to the parties' representatives by email. It will also be released for publication on BAILII and other websites. The date and time for hand-down is deemed to be 10 a.m. on Monday 27 July 2020.
MR JUSTICE SNOWDEN :
Introduction
"At what rate could you borrow funds, were you to do so by asking for and then accepting inter-bank offers in a reasonable market size just prior to 11 a.m.?"
After concerns had been raised about the reliability of LIBOR, from mid-2008, guidance published by the BBA (the "BBA Guidance") made explicit that what was required was the rate formed from the Panel Bank's own perception of its costs of funds in the inter-bank market. The BBA Guidance made clear that the submission should not, for example, be based upon the bank's view of the rate at which some hypothetical bank might borrow; that if there were no market offers in a given period, the submitted rate should be a fair and accurate reflection of the bank's opinion of its own costs of funds; and that the submitted rate should not be based upon the views of intermediaries as to where they believed that LIBOR might be set on a given day.
FDIC-R's claim
"(4) Since June 2012, regulators and courts around the world have found, and Panel Banks (including the Bank Defendants) have admitted, that LIBOR, and USD LIBOR in particular, was collusively and deliberately manipulated by Panel Banks for their own financial advantage through the provision of knowingly false rate submissions to the BBA as part of the LIBOR-setting process.
(5) In this regard, many hundreds of examples of manipulation across several currencies and tenors have been identified, including in relation to USD LIBOR. This has led to extensive regulatory sanctions, as part of which, findings and admissions have been made that Panel Banks (including the Bank Defendants) regarded the LIBOR-setting process as "a cartel", "a charade" and "a crock of rubbish".
(6) Such findings and admissions demonstrate that Panel Banks in general, and the Bank Defendants in particular, had the motive, opportunity and willingness to disregard their obligations and to manipulate LIBOR in their own interests. Several ex-Panel Bank employees have also been criminally convicted as a result of such wrongdoing.
(7) FDIC-R's claim arises out of a particular form of the manipulation of LIBOR by the Bank Defendants, namely the sustained and material suppression of USD LIBOR from August 2007 to at least the end of 2009 (and possibly later) (the "Suppression Period"). This suppression was achieved through the practice of making artificially low USD LIBOR submissions that did not reflect the relevant Bank Defendant's honestly perceived costs of obtaining funds and did not comply with the LIBOR Definition as supplemented by the BBA Guidance from mid-2008 onwards ("Lowballing"). That there was suppression during (at least part of) the Suppression Period is also supported by a body of economic and academic opinion on which the FDIC-R relies.
(8) The Bank Defendants had incentives to Lowball their USD LIBOR submissions, including incentives which arose from or were enhanced by the financial crisis. These incentives included a desire to present a false picture of the financial health of the banks, and of the financial system, and to distort competition between at least [the] Bank Defendants and non-Panel Banks in relation to their trading portfolios. These incentives were only capable of being realised by the Defendants or at least the Bank Defendants, if they acted collusively or in concert.
(9) The Bank Defendants' collusive and/or concerted suppression of USD LIBOR during the Suppression Period was participated in and/or facilitated by and/or directed by their trade association, the BBA, and by a committee of the Panel Banks, known as the Foreign Exchange and Money Markets Committee (the "FXMMC"), which purported to regulate LIBOR."
"was the result of collusive and concerted action on the part of the Defendants or the Bank Defendants that the Bank Defendants would make artificially low (and false) LIBOR submissions to the BBA and/or would exchange commercially sensitive information about their USD LIBOR submissions (the "Concerted Behaviour")."
"52(4) The persistent making of … Lowballed submissions by at least the Bank Defendants throughout the Suppression Period could only arise via deliberate and co-ordinated decisions. It is not plausible to suggest that the Bank Defendants misstated their costs of borrowing in the Interbank Market for such a prolonged period other than intentionally and in a coordinated manner."
"57. Profit/portfolio incentive At least, each Bank Defendant had a common financial and profit-based incentive to collude to Lowball USD LIBOR submissions and in turn to cause USD LIBOR to be lower than it otherwise would have been. A lower USD LIBOR (and prior knowledge of the suppression of the rate) enabled the Bank Defendants (and any other bank parties to the Agreement or Concerted Behaviour) to adjust their trading positions and profit from downward movements in interest rates and/or from decreased borrowing costs. The FDIC-R is unable to give further particulars pending disclosure of the interest rate exposure of the Bank Defendants at the material times and/or the IRD positions held by them. However, without prejudice to the aforesaid:
….
(5) the profit motivation to suppress USD LIBOR is a common incentive in that, although the extent of the incentive would have varied from bank to bank, it required collusive action if it was to be realised, This is because, to realise the incentive, it was necessary for (i) a sufficient number of Panel Banks to Lowball their submissions in order materially to suppress USD LIBOR; and (ii) there to be sufficient agreement and/or concerted action for it to be known with reasonable certainty that the suppression would continue.
58. Presentation of individual financial health To varying degrees, each Bank Defendant had an individual incentive to materially Lowball its own USD LIBOR submissions … in order …to present to other participants in the Interbank Market(s), to counterparties … to governments and regulators, to consumers and to the world at large that it was in a better financial position than was in fact the case …
59. Collective incentive to prevent scrutiny of individual banks by promoting the impression of collective financial health and stability The Defendants had a collective incentive for the Bank Defendants to collude on the level of their USD LIBOR submissions in order to present to the world at large a picture of collective health and stability of the Bank Defendants (and more generally the Panel Banks)….
60. Moreover, the Defendants also had a collective incentive in the Bank Defendants materially Lowballing their USD LIBOR submissions and USD LIBOR in order to present to the world at large as a group they were in better financial health, and were more stable, than was in fact the case…."
"61. Collective action in order to maximise effect As regards all of the incentives listed above, the Defendants had a shared incentive to act collectively in the Bank Defendants Lowballing their USD LIBOR submissions in order to exert the necessary maximum effect on the daily USD LIBOR rate. If only one or a small number of Bank Defendants engaged in Lowballing, some or all of their submissions would be discarded as being in the bottom quartile, and therefore those submissions would not affect the rate materially, if at all. Acting together was necessary to materially move USD LIBOR to achieve the aims set out above."
"71. First, the FDIC-R relies on the matters set out above that indicate that USD LIBOR was suppressed during the Suppression Period and that this was the result of deliberate Lowballing by at least the Bank Defendants. Further as to this:
(1) The material suppression of USD LIBOR could not have taken place had only a single Panel Bank suppressed submissions.
(2) The Lowballing was in fact extensive and appears to have been pervasive across at least the Bank Defendants such that it is implausible that it would occur in the absence of the Agreement or the Concerted Behaviour and it cannot be explained as coincidental parallelism.
(3) There was significant clustering of submissions by Panel Banks.
72. Second, each of at least the Bank Defendants had the incentives pleaded at paragraphs 57 to 64 above and knew or would have known that at least each other Bank Defendant possessed the same or materially the same incentives and were (whether pursuant to the Agreement or Concerted Behaviour) acting on those incentives by the Lowballing of USD LIBOR submissions in circumstances in which successfully doing so and in a way which minimised the risk of detection required collective action."
"Alternatively, insofar as the Lowballing began as independent and not concerted action on the part of individual Bank Defendants and/or other Panel Banks, by 2007 or 2008 it nonetheless had become Concerted Behaviour in that the BBA Parties and the Bank Defendants knew that at least the Bank Defendants were Lowballing and/or turned a blind eye to the same and: (i) the Bank Defendants themselves Lowballed and/or continued to Lowball; and (ii) did not blow the whistle on what was occurring. The FDIC-R is not presently in a position to plead full particulars of such knowledge, but relies on the matters set out in these Particulars, including in particular the discussions at the FXMMC and the BBA."
The limitation issue
i) regulatory findings and admissions in relation to LIBOR manipulation by individual Panel Banks which first began to be published in June 2012 in respect of Barclays, and were published by the FSA in the UK, the Commodity Futures Trading Commission ("CFTC") and Department of Justice ("DOJ") in the US, and the Swiss Financial Market Supervisory Authority ("FINMA") in respect of UBS on 19 December 2012; and
ii) evidence from criminal trials of traders and brokers concerning manipulation of LIBOR which began to come into the public domain in 2015.
Legal principles
Strike-out or summary determination
Section 32(1)(b)
"the purpose of section 32(1)(b) appears to be designed to cater for the case where, because of deliberate concealment, the claimant lacks sufficient information to plead a complete cause of action (the so-called "statement of claim" test)."
"It is clear that Rose LJ accepted what in this court has been described as the statement of claim test, that is knowledge of the facts which should be pleaded in the statement of claim."
"323. In this connection it is clear from authority that the statutory words "any fact relevant to a plaintiff's right of action" are to be given a narrow rather than a wide interpretation. Thus in Johnson, where the claim was in false imprisonment and the police had deliberately concealed facts relevant to the absence of reasonable cause, this court accepted the defendant's submission that "the relevant fact must be a fact without which the cause of action is incomplete", contrasting a fact relevant to an action and to a right of action (5A, 6C). Thus Rose LJ said "Facts which improve prospects of success are not, it seems to me, facts relevant to his right of action" (at 6E). He accepted that the interpretation was a narrow one (at 6G). Russell LJ agreed, saying (at 7E): "Accordingly, whilst I acknowledge that the new facts might make the plaintiff's case stronger or his right to damages more readily capable of proof they do not in my view bite upon the "right of action" itself. And Neill LJ emphasised that although absence of reasonable cause was an element in the tort of false imprisonment, the "gist of the action" is in the imprisonment itself, which establishes a prima facie case and puts the burden of proving justification on the defendant. Therefore the statutory words "must mean any fact which the plaintiff has to prove to establish a prima facie case" (at 8E/H).
324. Moreover, in Mirror Group, where the same words fell to be applied, this time as found in section 32A of the 1980 Act, this court again applied the narrow test determined in Johnson. Neill LJ, with whom Morritt and Pill LJJ agreed, said "The relevant facts are those which the plaintiff has to prove to establish a prima facie case" (at 138H). He again contrasted such facts with evidence which relates "to the proving of the case rather than the existence of the right of action", citing as further authority (at 138D) a dictum of Sir John Donaldson MR in Frisby v. Theodore Goddard & Co (CA, unreported, 7 March 1984)."
"… as Rix LJ emphasises, Johnson stands as authority for the proposition that what must be concealed is something essential to complete the cause of action. It is not enough that evidence that might enhance the claim is concealed, provided that the claim can be properly pleaded without it. The court therefore has to look for the gist of the cause of action that is asserted, to see if that was available to the claimant without knowledge of the concealed material."
"Johnson's case, the Mirror Group Newspaper case and The Kriti Palm are clear authority, binding on this court, for the following principles applicable to section 32(1)(b) of the 1980 Act: (1) a "fact relevant to the plaintiff's right of action" within section 32(1)(b) is a fact without which the cause of action is incomplete; (2) facts which merely improve prospects of success are not facts relevant to the claimant's right of action; (3) facts bearing on a matter which is not a necessary ingredient of the cause of action but which may provide a defence are not facts relevant to the claimant's right of action. "
Pleadings in competition cases
"62. In a case involving an allegation that a secret cartel has operated in breach of Article 101 there is an inevitable tension in domestic procedural law between the impulse to ensure that claims are fully and clearly pleaded so that a defendant can know with some exactitude what case he has to meet (and also so that disclosure obligations can be fully understood, expert witnesses given clear instructions and so on), on the one hand, and on the other the impulse to ensure that justice is done and a claimant is not prevented by overly strict and demanding rules of pleading from introducing a claim which may prove to be properly made out at trial, but which will be shut out by the law of limitation if the claimant is to be forced to wait until he has full particulars before launching a claim. In working out how that tension is to be resolved, it is important to bear in mind the general and long established approach referred to above and the existence of other protections for defendants within the procedural regime, including the following.
63. A claimant's counsel is subject to professional obligations in relation to what case may be pleaded (thus, e.g., a claim in fraud can only be pleaded in certain well-known circumstances, where there is sufficient material available to the pleader to justify such a plea)….
64. An application to strike out or for summary judgment may be made where, on the evidence about the facts, there is no reasonably arguable case on which the claimant could succeed. In the present case, none of the defendants put in evidence to demonstrate that this was the case.
65. Requests for further information may be put forward by a defendant to clarify exactly what case is being made where a general pleading is put forward….
66. If it became clear at some stage in proceedings that a claimant had further information available to him but failed to provide it when he ought to do so to clarify his case on the pleadings, it would be possible for the defendant to apply to strike out the claim on the grounds of abuse of process or to obtain an order (ultimately an unless order, threatening dismissal of the claim) for provision of particulars in response to a request for further information….
67. In my judgment, the availability of such procedural protections for a defendant to ensure that a claim is fully and properly explained in good time before trial (as against the possible loss to a claimant of an entire, potentially meritorious claim), indicates that in resolving the tension referred to above and determining whether a cause of action has been sufficiently pleaded in a statement of case (particularly in the claim form and/or the particulars of claim when an action is commenced), the balance is to be struck by allowing a measure of generosity in favour of a claimant. Such an approach is appropriate and in the overall interests of justice and the overriding objective set out in CPR Part 1.1…"
Pleading dishonesty
"46. ….The pleading of fraud or deceit is a serious step, with significance and reputational ramifications going well beyond the pleading of a claim in negligence. Courts regard it as improper, and can react very adversely, where speculative claims in fraud are bandied about by a party to litigation without a solid foundation in the evidence. A party risks the loss of its fund of goodwill and confidence on the part of the court if it makes an allegation of fraud which the court regards as unjustified, and this may affect the court's reaction to other parts of its case. Moreover, as Birss J observed in Property Alliance Group v RBS [2015] EWHC 3272 (Ch) at [40], allegations of fraud "can cause a major increase in the cost, complexity and temperature of an action." For these reasons parties are well-advised, and indeed enjoined according to usual pleading principles, to be reticent before pleading fraud or deceit. Although the Club could have pleaded deceit before trial of the negligence claim, in my view it behaved reasonably and entirely properly in deciding not to do so on the speculative and inferential basis which would have been necessary at that stage."
"…an allegation of fraud or dishonesty must be sufficiently particularised, and that particulars of facts which are consistent with honesty are not sufficient. This is only partly a matter of pleading. It is also a matter of substance. As I have said, the defendant is entitled to know the case he has to meet. But since dishonesty is usually a matter of inference from primary facts, this involves knowing not only that he is alleged to have acted dishonestly, but also the primary facts which will be relied upon at trial to justify the inference. At trial the court will not normally allow proof of primary facts which have not been pleaded, and will not do so in a case of fraud. It is not open to the court to infer dishonesty from facts which have not been pleaded, or from facts which have been pleaded but are consistent with honesty. There must be some fact which tilts the balance and justifies an inference of dishonesty, and this fact must be both pleaded and proved."
"The claimant does not have to plead primary facts which are only consistent with dishonesty. The correct test is whether or not, on the basis of the primary facts pleaded, an inference of dishonesty is more likely than one of innocence or negligence. As Lord Millett put it, there must be some fact "which tilts the balance and justifies an inference of dishonesty". At the interlocutory stage, when the court is considering whether the plea of fraud is a proper one or whether to strike it out, the court is not concerned with whether the evidence at trial will or will not establish fraud but only with whether facts are pleaded which would justify the plea of fraud. If the plea is justified, then the case must go forward to trial and assessment of whether the evidence justifies the inference is a matter for the trial judge".
The facts
Preliminary
The pre-March 2011 materials
"Why is LIBOR so low?
To us, the most obvious explanation for LIBOR being set so low is the prevailing fear of being perceived as a weak hand in this fragile market environment. If a bank is not held to transact at its posted LIBOR level, there is little incentive for it to post a rate that is more reflective of real lending levels, let alone one higher than its competitors. Because all LIBOR postings are publicly disclosed, any bank posting a high LIBOR level runs the risk of being perceived as needing funding. With markets in such a fragile state, this kind of perception could have dangerous consequences."
"London – One of the most important barometers of the world's financial health could be sending false signals."
"The concern: Some banks don't want to report the high rates they're paying for short-term loans because they don't want to tip off the market that they're desperate for cash. The LIBOR system depends on banks to tell the truth about their borrowing rates. Fibbing by banks could mean that millions of borrowers around the world are paying artificially low rates on their loans. That's good for borrowers, but could be very bad for the banks and other financial institutions that lend to them.
No specific evidence has emerged that banks have provided false information about borrowing rates, and it's possible that declines in lending volumes are making some LIBOR averages less reliable. But bankers and other market participants have quietly expressed concerns to the British Bankers Association, which oversees LIBOR, about whether banks are reporting rates that reflect their true borrowing costs, according to a person familiar with the matter and to government documents. The BBA is now investigating to identify potential problems, the person says.
Questions about LIBOR were raised as far back as November, at a Bank of England meeting in which United Kingdom banks, the firms that process bank trades and central bank officials discussed the recent financial turmoil. According to minutes of the meeting, "several group members thought that LIBOR fixings had been lower than actual traded interbank rates through the period of stress." In a recent report two economists at the Bank for International Settlements, a sort of central bank for central bankers, also expressed concerns that banks might report inaccurate rate quotes."
"In a report published in March by the Bank for International Settlements, economists Jacob Gyntelberg and Philip Wooldridge raised concerns that banks might report incorrect rate information. The report said that banks might have an incentive to provide false rates to profit from derivatives transactions. The report said that although the practice of throwing out the lowest and highest groups of quotes is likely to curb manipulation, LIBOR rates can still "be manipulated if contributor banks collude or if a sufficient number change their behaviour.""
"The credit crisis has highlighted gaps between LIBOR and other interest rates, and it has raised questions about whether banks are submitting rates that accurately reflect actual borrowing costs. Banks, for example, generally aren't able to borrow from other banks beyond one week, yet LIBOR continues to be posted for three-month maturities. Bankers and traders have expressed concerns that some banks don't want to report the high rates they are paying for fear of creating the impression they are desperate for cash.
Wednesday, the BBA spokesman said the group will strictly enforce the rules by which banks are supposed to provide accurate LIBOR quotes. At this time, the BBA doesn't believe banks have submitted false quotes. Spokesman Brian Capon said that if banks are found to have submitted inaccurate figures, they would be removed from the panels that submit rates. The dollar and sterling LIBOR groups each are made up of 16 banks."
"In normal circumstances, that element of "intelligent guesswork" is uncontroversial, and the BBA tries to insulate its data from any exaggerated guesses by excluding the highest and lowest bids. As a result, the BBA approach "works when both overall bank risk is low in the dispersion of risks across banks is small", says Jeffrey Rosenberg, head of credit strategy at Bank of America Securities.
However, "[that] is clearly not the case currently", Mr Rosenberg notes. In particular, as long-term funding deals have dried up, banks have come to rely increasingly on guesswork when submitting their bids, and the index has started to lag other, traded measures of market stress, such as the funding trends in the dollar deposit market.
It seems unlikely that this discrepancy has arisen because banks have deliberately been colluding to keep LIBOR rates down, bankers say. However, there is a widespread belief that some banks have an incentive to keep their bids low.
"Once the press starts reporting that a banks funding costs are out of line with other institutions, the perception of credit problems can quickly become reality," says Lou Crandall, economist at Wrightson ICAP."
(emphasis added)
"We provide an overview of BBA LIBOR and discuss proposals for building a better LIBOR.
In our view the LIBOR fixing process is not broken; BBA LIBOR broadly reflects the borrowing costs of top tier large banks. Differences between LIBOR and other indices can largely be explained by the composition of the LIBOR panel. The main limitations of LIBOR are due more to lack of liquidity in the market rather than any bias in the fixing process."
"Most of the recent concern, regarding LIBOR has focused on US dollar LIBOR panel, and in particular on what might be called its credibility or accuracy – the question of whether Panel Banks accurately report the rates at which they could actually borrow unsecured dollars. Several features of the LIBOR process and definition contribute to these concerns:
• Banks quote the rate at which they could borrow funds and these rates are published. This may lead to some deliberate misreporting designed to avoid the stigma of revealing high funding costs.
• The panel is asked to provide quotes that are subject to ambiguity along at least two dimensions. First the transaction size is not clearly specified. Second, quotes are often given for maturities (e.g. 7-month LIBOR) or in market conditions (e.g. now) in which there is little or no actual interbank term activity. The lack of clarity result in panel members using dissimilar methods for determining quotes.
• Many market participants feel the BBA does not currently have sufficient monitoring mechanisms in place to ensure the quality or validity of the quotes.
Note: although some analysts point out that the Panel Banks may have incentives to misreport in order to manipulate the level of the LIBOR fixing, and thereby influence their funding or derivative positions, this is not the primary driver of recent alleged misquotes."
The paper also commented that beyond anecdotal evidence and LIBOR resets it was difficult to find convincing evidence of actual misreporting.
"Faced with suspicions by some bankers that their rivals have been lowballing their borrowing rates to avoid looking desperate for cash, the BBA which oversees LIBOR, is expected to report on Friday possible adjustments to the system. That report isn't expected to recommend any major change, according to people familiar with the association's deliberations.
In order to assess the borrowing rates reported by the 16 banks, the [Wall Street Journal] crunched numbers from another market that provides a window into the financial health of banks: the default insurance market. Until recently, the cost of insuring against banks defaulting on their debts moved largely in tandem with LIBOR – both rose when the market thought banks were in trouble.
But beginning in late January, as fears grew about possible bank failures, the two measures began to diverge, with reported LIBOR rates failing to reflect rising default insurance costs, the Journal analysis shows. The gap between the two measures was wider for Citigroup, Germany's WestLB, the United Kingdom's HBOS, JP Morgan Chase & Co and Switzerland's UBS than for the other 11 banks. One possible explanation for the gap is that banks understated their borrowing rates.
The BBA says LIBOR is reliable, and notes that the financial crisis has caused many indicators to act in unusual ways. "The current situation is extraordinary", says BBA Chief Executive Angela Knight in an interview. A BBA spokesman says there is "no indication" that the default insurance market provides a more accurate picture of banks borrowing costs than LIBOR.
The Journal's analysis doesn't prove that banks are lying or manipulating LIBOR. Analysts offer various reasons why some banks might report LIBOR rates lower than what other markets indicate. For one, since the financial crisis began, banks have all but stopped lending to each other for periods of three months or more, so their estimates of how much it would cost to borrow involve a lot of guesswork. Also, some US banks, such as Citigroup and JP Morgan, have ample customer deposits and access to loans from the federal reserve, meaning they might not need to borrow at higher rates from other banks.
The price of default insurance also isn't a perfect indicator of a bank's creditworthiness. Data provider market group calculates the daily prices based on dealers' quotes, which can be volatile and vary widely in times of market turmoil. But over the longer time periods reviewed by the Journal, the data provided a good picture of investors' assessment of the financial health of banks."
"At times, banks reported similar borrowing rates even when the default insurance market was drawing big distinctions about their financial health. On the afternoon of March 10 [2008], for example, investors in the default insurance market were betting that WestLB, which was hit especially hard by the credit crisis, was nearly twice as likely to renege on its debts as Credit Suisse Group, a Swiss bank that was perceived to be in better shape. Yet the next morning, for LIBOR purposes, WestLB reported the same borrowing rate as Credit Suisse. A WestLB spokesman says the bank provides accurate data.
In addition to borrowing from other banks, banks can borrow in the commercial paper market where they issue short-term IOUs to investors such as mutual funds. In mid April, UBS, which has suffered some $38 billion in write-downs on investments gone bad, was offering to pay an annual rate of about 2.85% to borrow dollars for three months in the commercial paper market, according to a person familiar with the matter. But when it reported for LIBOR purposes on April 16, UBS said it could borrow for three months from other banks at 2.73% – in line with all the other panel banks. A UBS spokeswoman declined to comment."
"All we got for our pains was a series of media articles saying that we were having difficulty financing."
"Our primary findings are that, while there are some apparent anomalies within the individual quotes, the evidence found is inconsistent with an effective manipulation of the level of the LIBOR. However, some questionable patterns exist with respect to the banks daily LIBOR quotes, especially for the period ending on August 8, 2007, for which the interest rate variance for bank quotes is not statistically different from zero."
(emphasis added)
"The analyses that were presented in this study screened for markers that are associated with the existence of conspiracies and manipulations in various industries. As previously noted, such markers may indeed occur in the absence of anti-competitive behaviour; conversely, collusions and/or manipulations may occur in the absence of such markers. Nevertheless, although this study does not provide conclusive evidence of the existence of anti-competitive market behaviour (or, for that matter, any effective manipulation of the LIBOR rate on the part of the banks), we do present statistical evidence of patterns that appear to be inconsistent with those that are normally expected to occur under conditions of market competition for certain of the period under study."
(emphasis added)
The conclusion section further explained that there could be alternative explanations for the presence of markers associated with collusion in competitive markets, and suggested further research could be undertaken into the explanations for such anomalies.
"In their recent study, Abrantes-Metz et al. (2008) investigate the possibility of collusion among LIBOR panel banks in the post August 2007 period. A commonly used screen for collusion tests for whether cross-sectional prices – or quotes in this case – have lower variance during the suspected collusion period relative to a benchmark period. They find that the variance is substantially lower in the benchmark pre-August 2007 period. Our results suggest the answer for this is that in the benchmark period, banks are coordinating on the previous day's Eurodollar rate."
"In this paper we have presented new evidence corroborating concerns that LIBOR Panel Banks may be understating their true borrowing costs. Previous analysis of the problem has suggested the cause of this misreporting is the desire of Panel Banks to appear strong, especially during the recent banking crisis. In contrast our theory of misreporting incentives points to a more fundamental source, namely that bank portfolio exposure to the LIBOR gave them incentives to push the rate in a direction favourable to these positions."
US class action lawsuits
"because no one bank would want to stand out as bearing a higher degree of risk than its fellow banks, each defendant shared a powerful incentive to collude with its co-defendants to ensure that it was not the "odd man out".
However, that allegation fell short of alleging actual collusion (as opposed to having an incentive to collude) and then supported that allegation with a reference to the Citigroup paper of 10 April 2008 to which I have referred at paragraph 50 above. As I have indicated, however, that paper did not in fact suggest that collusion was taking place.
UBS's contentions in this case
The pre-10 March 2011 materials
"Q51 Michael Fallon: But you must have realised at the time that there were considerable incentives for banks to underreport and to protect their positions, given what was happening to Barclays.
Paul Tucker: As I said last week, LIBOR seemed to move in a broadly sensible direction, given the strains in the market. The period that we are discussing now is one where sterling LIBOR and the LIBOR spread were rising. There were rumours about HBOS and about it approaching us for funds. We were very much focused on sterling LIBOR because we are the sterling lender of last resort. There was then this emerging concern in particular about dollar LIBOR. We were very concerned about the loss of credibility, but we did not seize on it in terms of dishonesty.
Q52 Michael Fallon: But you yourself chaired the Money Markets Liaison Group six months earlier-15 November 2007 - where the minutes say that several group members thought that LIBOR fixings had been lower than actual traded rates. You were the chairman of that group.
Paul Tucker: As I explained last week, we were concerned that the underlying money markets were dysfunctional from time to time. We understood that banks were having to make judgments about where they would be able to borrow. Again, as I said last week, that did not set off alarm bells of dishonesty, but we were concerned about the eroding credibility, which is why at that meeting we turned to the BBA and asked them what they were doing. Nobody came to us afterwards and said, "You are not doing enough. You have missed the point here."
Q53 Michael Fallon: So you were aware that LIBOR fixings were lower than actual traded rates. You had seen the warning from the New York Fed that rates might be deliberately misreported and you continued to believe that this was an honest market.
Paul Tucker: As I said last week, we used LIBOR in the fee structure for the special liquidity scheme, which was our biggest intervention in the whole of this crisis period. I really do not think that we would have done so had we had suspicions of dishonesty. We thought that LIBOR was flawed, but we thought that it was the best measure of unsecured funding costs for the banks.
Q54 Michael Fallon: Governor, at what point did the penny drop with you that LIBOR was not just dysfunctional but was actually being manipulated dishonestly?
Sir Mervyn King: There were two dates. I was informed of the allegations that Barclays had made in connection with the conversation between Mr Tucker and Mr Diamond in April 2010, but the first I knew of any alleged wrongdoing was when the reports came out two weeks ago…
Q55 Michael Fallon: … I just want to be clear: you had no suspicion until two weeks ago that anything had been going wrong in the LIBOR market?
Sir Mervyn King: No, we have been through all our records. There is no evidence of wrongdoing or reporting of wrongdoing to the Bank...."
"Q112 John Mann: … Despite the fact that there are serious commentators in the US questioning the viability of parts of the London market, you appear to be still in denial that it was known that LIBOR rigging was going on—the low-balling—when it was patently obvious to everyone that it was known. Why are you still in denial over that? Wouldn't it help the situation if the Bank of England, along with the FSA, recognised that low-balling had failed to be spotted because you had other priorities because of the economic crisis? That honesty might give us some credibility in going forward and dealing with this crisis.
Sir Mervyn King: "No" is the short answer. The slightly longer answer is that there is a world of difference between people saying they do not know how to submit when they are doing LIBOR submissions because the market is dysfunctional. No one knew what to make of the quotes that had been submitted. That was something I discussed with this Committee in November 2008. There is a world of difference between that situation and deliberate misrepresentation of the submissions with a view to a financial gain, either private or institutional. I did not say that fraud was restricted just to the rogue traders. It was also true that there was deliberate misrepresentation by Barclays in the submissions. On that, we had no evidence of wrongdoing. None was supplied to us. The evidence you cite—there were plenty of academic articles that looked in it and said that they could not see in the data any evidence of manipulation. I say again, if you go back to the inquiries that the regulators made, it took them three years to work out and find the evidence of wrongdoing. If it was so obvious and all in the newspapers and everyone was talking about it, one might ask why everybody did not say, "This is wrong." The reason was that it wasn't wrongdoing. It was a market that was dysfunctional and was not operating in any effective way."
The regulatory findings
"Over a period of several years, commencing in at least 2005, Barclays plc, Barclays Bank and Barclays Capital, by and through their agents, officers and employees located in at least New York, London and Tokyo, repeatedly attempted to manipulate and made false, misleading or knowingly inaccurate submissions concerning two global benchmark interest rates, LIBOR and EURIBOR.
…
Barclays' violative conduct involved multiple desks, traders, offices and currencies, including United States Dollar, sterling, euro and yen. The wrongful conduct spanned from at least 2005 through at least 2009, and at times occurred on an almost daily basis. Barclays' conduct included the following:
(1) During the period from at least mid-2005 through the fall of 2007, and sporadically thereafter into 2009, Barclays based its LIBOR submissions for US dollar (and at limited times other currencies) on the requests of Barclays' swaps traders, including former Barclays swaps traders, who were attempting to affect the official published LIBOR, in order to benefit Barclays' derivatives trading positions;…
(2) During the period from at least mid-2005 through to at least mid-2008, certain Barclays euro swaps traders, led by a former Barclays senior euro swaps trader, coordinated with, and aided and abetted traders at certain other banks to influence the EURIBOR submissions of multiple banks, including Barclays, in order to affect the official published EURIBOR, and thereby benefit their respective derivatives trading positions; and
(3) During the volatile, global market conditions of the financial crisis of late August 2007 through early 2009 … Barclays lowered its LIBOR submissions in order to manage what it believed were inaccurate and negative public and media perceptions that Barclays had a liquidity problem based in part on its high LIBOR submissions relative to the low submissions of other Panel Banks that Barclays believed were too low given market conditions."
"From at least approximately August 2005 through at least approximately May 2008, certain Barclays swaps traders communicated with swaps traders at other contributor Panel Banks and other financial institutions about requesting LIBOR and EURIBOR contributions that would be favourable to the trading positions of the Barclays swaps traders and/or their counterparts at other financial institutions.
Certain Barclays swaps traders made requests of traders at other contributor Panel Banks for favourable LIBOR or EURIBOR submissions from those banks. In addition, certain Barclays swaps traders received requests from traders at other banks for favourable LIBOR or EURIBOR submissions from Barclays rate submitters. When Barclays swaps traders did not have trading positions conflicting with their counterparts' requests, those Barclays swaps traders sometimes would agree to request a LIBOR or EURIBOR submission from the Barclays LIBOR or EURIBOR submitters that would benefit their counterparts' positions. Those interbank communications including included ones in which certain Barclays swaps traders communicated with former Barclays swaps traders who had left Barclays and joined other financial institutions. The likelihood that LIBOR or EURIBOR fix would be affected increased when other contributor Panel Banks also manipulated their submissions as part of a coordinated effort."
"For more than six years, since at least January 2005, UBS, by and through the acts of dozens of employees, officers and agents located around the world, engaged in systematic misconduct that undermined the integrity of certain global benchmark interest rates, including, but not limited to, LIBOR for certain currencies, EURIBOR and the Euroyen TIBOR that are critical to international financial markets.
UBS engaged in two overarching causes of misconduct.
First from at least January 2005 to at least June 2010, UBS made knowingly false submissions to rate fixing panels to benefit its derivatives trading positions or the derivatives trading positions of other banks in attempts to manipulate yen, Swiss franc, sterling and euro LIBOR and EURIBOR, and, periodically, Euroyen TIBOR. UBS, through certain derivatives traders also colluded with traders at other banks and coordinated with interdealer brokers in its attempts to manipulate Yen LIBOR and Euroyen TIBOR. For certain currencies and benchmark interest rates, this conduct occurred on a regular basis and sometimes daily. UBS was, at times, successful in its attempts to manipulate yen LIBOR.
Second, from approximately August 2007 to mid-2009, UBS, at times, used false benchmark interest rate submissions, including USD LIBOR, to protect itself against media speculation concerning its financial stability during the financial crisis."
Manipulative Conduct for Profit
Throughout the period, UBS routinely skewed its submissions to interest rate fixing panels for yen, Swiss franc, Sterling and Euro LIBOR and EURIBOR and, at times, Euroyen TIBOR, to benefit UBS's derivatives trading positions that were tied to those particular benchmarks. UBS used a flawed submission process that relied on inherently conflicted employees to make submissions. UBS made derivatives traders responsible not only for trading their derivatives books for a profit, but also for determining UBS's benchmark interest rate submissions. As a result, when determining the rates to submit to the official panels, UBS's submitters for these currencies and benchmarks often took into consideration how the submissions might benefit their trading positions. These UBS submitters also accommodated requests of other UBS derivatives traders for submissions that would be beneficial to their trading positions, either by maximising their profits or minimising their losses.
This profit-driven conduct spanned from at least January 2005 through June 2010 and, at times, occurred on an almost daily basis. It involved more than three dozen traders and submitters located in multiple offices, from London to Zürich to Tokyo, and elsewhere. The misconduct included several UBS managers, who made requests to benefit their trading positions, facilitated the requests of their staff for submissions that benefited their trading positions, or knew that this was a routine practice of the traders and did nothing to stop it. UBS traders inappropriately viewed their benchmark interest rate submissions, such as UBS's LIBOR submissions, as mere tools to help the traders increase the profits or minimise losses on their trading positions. To be sure, UBS's benchmark interest rate submissions frequently were not a reflection of UBS's assessment of the costs of borrowing funds in the relevant interbank markets, as each of the benchmark definitions required.
In this environment, UBS, primarily through the acts and direction of a senior Yen derivatives trader, orchestrated a massive, multi-year course of unlawful conduct to manipulate Yen LIBOR on, at times, an almost daily basis and, periodically, Euroyen TIBOR. This trader implemented at least three manipulative strategies, which he often used simultaneously to increase the likelihood that he would be successful: (i) he had UBS Yen LIBOR and Euroyen TIBOR submitters make submissions for particular maturities ("tenors") reflecting his preferred rates; (ii) he cultivated prior working relationships and friendships with derivatives traders from at least four other banks and had them make requests of their Yen LIBOR submitters based on his preferred rates; and (iii) he used at least five interdealer brokers, who intermediated cash and derivatives transactions for clients, including other banks that made benchmark interest rate submissions, to disseminate false market information relating to Yen LIBOR to multiple Panel Banks in order to impact their submissions to his benefit.
…
False Reports to Protect Reputation
During the financial crisis, certain UBS managers issued directions for making UBS benchmark interest rate submissions in order to protect against what UBS perceived as unfair and inaccurate negative public and media perceptions about UBS. UBS first directed that UBS's submissions should "err on the low side" of the Panel Banks' submissions, a direction its submitters generally followed. UBS subsequently directed that UBS's submissions be "in the middle of the pack" of the Panel Banks' submissions, and the submitters followed the direction again…"
"As with his internal requests, the Senior Yen Trader began coordinating regularly with derivatives traders at other Panel Banks by January 2007. The Senior Yen Trader coordinated with traders primarily at four Panel Banks who he knew or had worked with previously. The Senior Yen Trader or others acting on his behalf, made about 100 requests of traders at the other Panel Banks. The Senior Yen Trader generally made requests of the other banks' traders, who regularly agreed to pass his requests to their Yen LIBOR or, on occasion, Euroyen TIBOR submitters. The Senior Yen Trader also made requests on their behalf to UBS's submitters. The Senior Yen trader readily agreed to help the other traders. In fact he often encouraged them to ask for help as a way to curry favour and ensure his requests were accommodated."
"…in a March 31, 2009 electronic chat, Trader-1 asked Broker-C to help influence 9 of the 16 Contributor Panel Banks by convincing them to lower their LIBOR submissions from the previous day, thus lowering the resulting 1-month and 3-month Yen LIBOR fix:
"Trader-1: mate we have to get 1m and 3m down…1m barely fell yesterday…real important
Broker-C: yeah OK
Trader -1: Banks to have a go w in 1 m are [9 anonymised banks listed] pls
Broker-C: got it mate."
That day, consistent with Trader-1's request, 6 of the 9 Contributor Panel Banks listed above lowered their 1-month Yen LIBOR submissions relative to the previous day, and the resulting published 1-month Yen LIBOR fix dropped by a full basis point from the day before."
"LIBORs have totally de-linked with real cash markets."
"the answer would be 'because the whole street was doing the same and because we did not want to be an outlier in the LIBOR fixings, just like everybody else'."
Conclusion